Saturday, September 21, 2002

When the story is what counts.

What has ontological primacy-- the life, or the story we tell about it? Which is more true? Or is truth even the most enlightening quality to seek here? Should the real concern be whether the life or the story can be seperated in such a way as to be able to discover which one we respond to? I want to believe my ears, but what reaches them does through the medium of language, so perhaps I should rely only on my eyes. Yet I cannot be sure that there is not some translation taking place at the level of sight. I want to understand you, but I don't think you understand yourself. And since I am required to respond to your interpretations of your self, as manifested in your behavior, actions, and translations, we square circles. All this grasping makes me more uncomfortable than Heisenberg's Uncertainty Principle.

Friday, September 20, 2002

Why war is "good for the economy"

Since September 11th, the American economy has taken a slump for the worse. Some of this can be attributed to the vulnerability of an economy far too dependent on the finance industry to be called "independent" in any meaningful sense of the word. We take at face-value the fact that most Americans live on credit, yet to realize the extent to which the health of the economy depends on this same ever-expanding credit-line can be frightening. An examination of political economic history reveals why war is such a probable, almost reflexive, policy choice for the Bush administration given current economic trends.

In many ways, the 1920's economic boom resembled the boom of the Clinton era, notably an increase in "speculative mania" at all levels of the American public, reflecting the belief that a "New Economy" was replacing the old one. In his new book, Wealth and Democracy: A Political History of the American Rich, Kevin Phillips notes that many Americans in the 1920's believed that the establishment of the Federal Reserve in 1913 would end, or at least re-vamp, the business cycle. Similar beliefs were touted by economists who, following Greenspan's lead in the 90's, argued that the new, technology-driven, globalized economy would result in the creation of faster business cycle, with greater capacity for generating wealth and more shallow slumps with less devastating economic downturns. (For some of this reasoning, see Bob Woodward's Maestro: Greenspan's Fed and the American Boom, or take a peek at Alan Greenspan's fanclub, named, appropriately, "Get Exuberant". But an economy based on credit and a hot-rodding finance sector can promise nothing like economic stability, unless its advocates don't mind looking like car salesman.

So what happened to the heady days of "irrational exuberance"? Phillips likens the current recession to the one following the speculative mania of the 1920's, commenting, however, that the 1990s been witness to the "morphing of politics into a marketplace with barely hidden price tags" in which this trend has reached "critical mass". For students of political economy, Phillips' position appears self-evident. For disgruntled Americans watching their 401K's plummet with the tunes of Enron and Worldcom corruption and accounting scandals playing in the background, the "free market" has lost its seductive charm in the harsh, bright light of the morning-after. Yet most Americans still support Bushs' decision to go to war with Iraq. Surely this is more than a semantic misunderstanding, whereby the public thinks we haven't really been at war with Iraq for the last few years (when we, in fact, have) and takes the Bush push for "regime-change" to be another word for establishing democracy in Iraq (not likely). If Americans really feel comfortable entering a new war-- one that has little to do with the war on terrorism-- is it because they understand the economic arguments for doing so?

I'll tell you why I don't think so. In the introduction to Wealth and Democracy, Phillips warns that the new war on terrorism adds the possibility that "a US government concerned with protecting wealth may do so at the expense of democratic procedures and may try to blame terrorism rather than flawed policies for hard times". He adds to this concern the worry that what he calls the "financialization processes of the 1980's and 1990's"-- or the securitizing of so many income and debt streams, the increased electronic dependence, and the exaltation of ther stock market as the center of commerce-- vastly broaden the potential for economic terrorism and warfare. The Bush administration will surely use this threat of economic terrorism to build even closer government-business partnerships, as "national security" becomes the strange bedfellow of economic security, proving that even conservatives can be sexually libertine in some respects. Bill Moyers' interview with Phillips suggests why Bush might have an easy time with a sharply divided Congress, as it seems that both Demicans and Republicrats favor the current "plutocracy" (to borrow Phillips' decsription):

"Well, the plutocracy ... and I think we have one now.... is when money has ceased just entertaining itself with leveraged buyouts and all the stuff they did in the '80s, and really takes over politics, and takes it over on both sides when money not only talks, money screams. When you start developing philosophies in which giving a check is a First Amendment right. That's incredible." When Moyers suggests that money has always held politics hostage, Phillips replies: "What we've seen in...the '80s and '90s is that it's taken control of both parties, pretty much taken control of the culture, and controls the whole dynamics of politics". In other words, there is no reason to believe that the veil of partisan debate over economic policies will actually cloak more than shared positions and interests. (To be continued...)

Thursday, September 19, 2002

Musings

I always remember particular segments of my life by the music. So I'm going to do this partly for myself-- so I will remember the music that mades my "now"-- and partly for you-- because the music is excellent stuff that you should have downloaded from KaZAa if you haven't already.
1. Steve Earle and Lucinda Williams, "You're Still Standing There"
2. Afghan Whigs, "Something Hot"
3. Elvis Costello, "Alibi"
4. Marianne Faithfull, "I'm On Fire"
5. Robyn Hitchcock, "One Long Pair of Eyes"
6. Tom Waits, "Watch Her Disappear"
7. Marianne Faithfull, "Sex with Strangers"
8. The Flaming Lips, "Fight Test"
9. Tom Waits, "In Between Love"
10. Miles Davis and Thelonius Monk, "Mood Indigo"

Tuesday, September 17, 2002

Christopher Hitchens points out that when W.H. Auden wrote his "Letter to Lord Byron", he originally considered writing to Jane Austen instead:
"You could not shock her more than she shocks me;
Beside her Joyce seems innocent as grass.
It makes me most uncomfortable to see
An English spinster of the middle class
Describe the amorous effects of "brass",
Reveal so frankly and with such sobriety
The economic basis of society."
He does her justice, eh?

Sunday, September 15, 2002

Anarchy, Sex, and Ursula K. Le Guin


To step into the world of Ursula K. Le Guin is to be transformed, to reside in multiple worlds and bodies, to lay bare the most indisputable assumptions of human civilization as we know it. Two challenges in particular posed by Le Guin’s work still charm my still-life nights, namely, her anarchism and her blurring of sexual boundaries. Instead of moving from an explanation of one to the other, I will examine both aspects of her work together because they are inextricably tangled. And for good reason.

Le Guin's anarchism is not the big-business or gun-heavy type, which is not to typify it as "feminine" or "soft", but only mark a few boundaries from the start. In her prefatory comments to “The Day Before The Revolution” in The Wind’s Twelve Quarters, Le Guin writes:

“Odonianism is anarchism. Not the bomb-in-the-pocket stuff, which is terrorism, whatever name it tries to dignify itself with; not the social-Darwinist economic 'libertarianism' of the far right; but anarchism, as pre-figured in early Taoist thought, and expounded by Shelley and Kropotkin, Goldman and Goodman. Anarchism's principal target is the authoritarian State (capitalist or socialist); its principal moral-practical theme is cooperation (solidarity, mutual aid). It is the most idealistic, and to me the most interesting, of all political theories."

So what attracts her to anarchism is its fascination with the power relations underlying social structures and conventions. Rather than wax poetic about private defense, Le Guin prefers to place financial relations in just another category of social relations. In an interview with Nick Gevers, she described the books of The Earthsea Trilogy as "in large part, fictional studies of power". While the first three see power mostly from "the point of view of the powerful", the second three see power "from the point of view of people who have none, or have lost it, or who can see their power as one of the illusions of mortality".

Like Michel Foucault, Le Guin traces power relations through sexual and social institutions as well as the more popularly-examined political and economic institutions. This leads to an exploration of biological and political sexual roles that calls into question our current patriarchy and the constraints it imposes on our intellectual, social, and personal freedom. Le Guin thinks:
"We are so good at making life difficult for ourselves, not least by inventing almost impossible customs. Monogamous lifelong heterosexual marriage is such a peculiar institution that it hardly seems to need to be made fun of. But of course if you make marriage even harder than it is, involving four people instead of two, and homosexuality as well as heterosexuality, it gets even more interesting. At least, it does to me. But I find all cumbersome cultural constructs and customs interesting. I am an anthropologist's daughter, after all."
Defending the "sedoretu" from an attack of impracticality, Le Guin asks how monogamous heterosexual marriage is any more "practical". Isn't it only practical because we live in a society organized by institutions built around this very idea of one-man-and-one-woman-united-in-holy-patrimony? She suggests that her own forty-eight year marriage might be chalked up to "luck and a bit of practice".

Where Le Guin's position/s begin to befuddle is also where they begin to duel, sometimes even contradict, each other. For example, after saying that anarchism is "the most idealistic" and "the most interesting" political theory, she turns around to state:
"All ideals are positively dangerous. All idealists are dangerous: Pol Pot, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Jefferson, Lenin, Osama Bin Laden, Francis of Assisi. What is endangered, and how it is endangered may, however, vary. And there may be a difference -- a subtle one, a crucial one -- between idealists and ideologues."
This is not a case of self-nullifying arguments-- Le Guin would be the first to admit the danger of her own ideals, as well as those of others-- but a normative question about what it might be better to risk, given an assumption of loss.Consistency doesn't compensate for a lack of substance, as I learned by listening to the political arguments favoring a war on Iraq, and the fact that many of Le Guin's works are formulated as thought-experiments excuses (maybe even explains or justifies) her decision to sacrifice consistency or transparency to what she dubs "process".

As noted by Margaret Atwood in a recent review, Ursula Le Guin usually doesn't "concoct her worlds: she finds herself in them, and then begins to explore them". In Le Guin's own words: "First to create the differences...then to let the fiery arc of human emotion leap and close the gap: this acrobatics of the imagination fascinates and satisfies me as almost no other". Like Foucault, Le Guin toys with process, with the "getting there", with the meticulate description of the path so that we might better understand why we chose it (or why it was chosen for us, or institutionalized, etc.)

Also in a manner resembling that of Foucault, teething happily on her chains, Le Guin revels in the study of that which constrains us as human beings. When asked in an interview by Slawek Wojtowicz where and when she would most like to live, Le Guin doesn't miss a beat: "Right now, right here. Why? Because this is where I am and when I am and my "being" is here and now. I think the fact that we have no choice in this matter is extremely interesting and important."

I could not agree more, and feel compelled to note the similarity between her views and that of Romanian dissident Nicu Steinhardt, whose preferred his periods of imprisonment under the communist dictatorship to the false freedom of life in the "worker's paradise". Realizing and accepting his chains helped Steinhardt overcome them mentally, or see beyond them, which is often the most precious freedom in that it depends on nothing (or little) outside of one's self. To know one's limits is to be familiar with one's limitlessness.

Let's return for a moment to the quotation in which Le Guin names her intellectual influences as early Taoist thought, and anarchism as expunded by Shelley and Kropotkin, Goldman and Goodman. The influence of Taoism should be considered in the context of her political commitment to pacifism, her intellectual commitment to understanding, and her personal commitment to fascination.
In an interview with Mother Jones Le Guin says:

"I read Lao-tzu and the Tao Te Ching at 14. My father had it around the house in the old edition with the Chinese text. I sneaked a peek and was and remain fascinated. Taoism is still an underlayer in my work. It begins talking about what we can't talk about -- an old mysticism that intertwines with Buddhism and is practical and not theistic. Before and beyond God. There's a humorous and easygoing aspect to it that I like temperamentally and that fits in with anarchism. Pacifist anarchism and Lao-tzu have a lot in connection with each other, especially in the 20th century." By flirting with mysticism, Le Guin's speculative archaeology and anthropology of possible worlds retains its fluidity.

Mary Shelley's influence, whose Frankenstein is considered by many to be the first "science fiction", is more direct, for it can be ascertained in the ethical questions teeming through Le Guin's work. Atwood remarks that Shelley's work asked a question popular to sci-fi ever since, namely, "what is the price that must be paid by Promethean Man for stealing fire from Heaven?". Insofar as this question deals with the problematics of power in human society, Le Guin's clever strategy is to disguise the problem in such incredible form that we are surprised, almost disappointed, to find how much it explains.



"Your answers will count. You must show your work. Pay attention."


The sexiest short I've encountered this year, Darcy Cosper's "A Story Problem", strains the lust from an average evening with aquaintances by focusing precisely on that aspect that makes desire so amazing-- its logic. What kickstarts those dangerous thoughts that swerve around a woman's hips or a man's lips at speeds quicker than sight? By untangling the equations of heat, Cosper ventures into an algebra so profound that pinning down the variable promises no solution. We forget that 2x=4 does not solve as x=2, but rather, as x=+/-2. Cosper reveals the questions of probability plaguing the algebra of modern desire. Rather than find an answer to what turns you on, next time that hot flush puts its hand under your skirt, just go with it. Instead of fighting it, let the spaces stand for something charged...allow yourself the guilty pleasure of engaging in non-ends-directed sexual algebra. Then slip into something more comfortable.
Chomsky and Intellectual Responsibility


As I get older, I find the notion of "integrity" plays a much larger role in my moral and ethical decision-making, as well as (of course) my politics. This should go without saying, yet the fact that it often does go without saying obscures the reality of why we believe we can afford to assume something which is actually so hard-earned, namely, intellectual integrity. Noam Chomsky makes a point of not living that lie that Vaclav Havel and Czeslaw Milosz warned against by stressing that discussion based on fact is the only decision-making procedure that everyone should respect. In this sense, Chomsky considers truth an emergent quality which characterizes the manner of one's investigation more than the conclusions one finally supports. For Chomsky, this thinking comes as a reaction to personal distaste for ideology and propaganda.More later...I'm sleepy